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Customer reviews There are no customer reviews yet. Share your thoughts with other customers. Write a customer review. Another member of the Academy, Socratides, who was apparently in line for the position, stepped down in favor of Arcesilaus Diogenes Laertius [DL] 4.

See Long [] for discussion of the life of Arcesilaus. According to Diogenes Laertius, Arcesilaus was "the first to argue on both sides of a question, and the first to meddle with the traditional Platonic system [or: Diogenes is certainly wrong about Arcesilaus being the first to argue on both sides of a question. This was a long standing practice in Greek rhetoric commonly attributed to the Sophists.

This transition was probably supported by an innovative reading of Plato's books, which he possessed and held in high regard DL 4. Diogenes' remark that Arcesilaus "meddled" with Plato's system and made it more of a debating contest indicates a critical attitude towards his innovations. Diogenes or his source apparently thought that Arcesilaus betrayed the spirit of Platonic philosophy by turning it to skepticism.

Cicero, on the other hand, in an approving tone, reports that Arcesilaus revived the practice of Socrates, which he takes to be the same as Plato's. This practice was not kept up by his successors; but Arcesilaus revived it and prescribed that those who wanted to listen to him should not ask him questions but state their own opinions.

When they had done so, he argued against them. But his listeners, so far as they could, would defend their own opinion" de Finibus 2. Arcesilaus had selectively derived the lesson from Plato's dialogues that nothing can be known with certainty, either by the senses or by the mind de Oratore 3. He even refused to accept this conclusion; thus he did not claim to know that nothing could be known Academica In general, the Stoics were the ideal target for the skeptics; for, their confidence in the areas of metaphysics, ethics and epistemology was supported by an elaborate and sophisticated set of arguments.

And, the stronger the justification of some theory, the more impressive is its skeptical refutation. They were also an attractive target due to their prominence in the Hellenistic world.

Arcesilaus especially targeted the founder of Stoicism, Zeno, for refutation. Zeno confidently claimed not only that knowledge is possible but that he had a correct account of what knowledge is, and he was willing to teach this to others. If one assents to the proposition associated with a kataleptic impression, i. The Stoic sage, as the perfection and fulfillment of human nature, is the one who assents only to kataleptic impressions and thus is infallible. Arcesilaus argued against the possibility of there being any sense-impressions which we could not be mistaken about.

In doing so, he paved the way for future Academic attacks on Stoicism. To summarize the attack: The first possibility i is illustrated by cases of indistinguishable twins, eggs, statues or imprints in wax made by the same ring Lucullus The second possibility ii is illustrated by the illusions of dreams and madness Lucullus On the strength of these examples, Arcesilaus apparently concluded that we may, in principle, be deceived about any sense-impression, and consequently that the Stoic account of empirical knowledge fails.

For the Stoics were thorough-going empiricists and believed that sense-impressions lie at the foundation of all of our knowledge. So if we could not be certain of ever having grasped any sense-impression, then we cannot be certain of any of the more complex impressions of the world, including what strikes us as valuable.

In response to this lack of knowledge whether limited to the Stoic variety or knowledge in general , Arcesilaus claimed that we should suspend judgment. By arguing for and against every position that came up in discussion he presented equally weighty reasons on both sides of the issue and made it easier to accept neither side Academica Diogenes counts the suspension of judgment as another of Arcesilaus' innovations DL 4. Determining precisely what cognitive attitude Arcesilaus intended by "suspending judgment" is difficult, primarily because we only have second and third hand reports of his views if indeed he endorsed any views, see Dialectical Interpretation below.

To suspend judgment seems to mean not to accept a proposition as true, i. It follows that if one suspends judgment regarding p, then he should neither believe that p nor should he believe that not-p for this will commit him to the truth of not-p.

But if believing p just means believing that p is true, then suspending judgment regarding everything is the same as not believing anything.

If Arcesilaus endorsed this, then he could not consistently believe either that nothing can be known or that one should consequently suspend judgment. One way around this problem is to adopt the dialectical interpretation advanced by Couissin []. According to this interpretation, Arcesilaus merely showed the Stoics that they didn't have an adequate account of knowledge, not that knowledge in general is impossible.

In other words, knowledge will only turn out to be impossible if we define it as the Stoics do. Furthermore, he did not show that everyone should suspend judgment, but rather only those who accept certain Stoic premises. In particular, he argued that if we accept the Stoic view that the Sage never errs, and since katalepsis is not possible, then the Sage and the rest of us insofar as we emulate the Sage should never give our assent to anything.

Thus the only way to achieve sagehood, i. But the dialectical Arcesilaus himself neither agrees nor disagrees with this. The biggest obstacle to the dialectical interpretation is Arcesilaus' practical criterion, to eulogon.

Arcesilaus presented this criterion in response to the Stoic objection that if we were to suspend judgment regarding everything, then we would not be able to continue to engage in day to day activities. For, the Stoics thought, any deliberate action presupposes some assent, which is to say that belief is necessary for action. He, therefore, who attends to "the reasonable" will act rightly and be happy M 7.

There is a good deal of Stoic technical terminology in this passage, including the term eulogon itself, and this may seem to support the dialectical interpretation. But this raises the question, why would Arcesilaus make such a gift to his Stoic adversaries? It would be as if, Maconi's words, "Arcesilaus first knocked his opponent to the ground and then gave him a hand up again" Such generosity would seem to be incompatible with the purely dialectical purpose of refutation.

Similarly, if he had been arguing dialectically all along, there seems to be no good reason for him to respond to Stoic objections, for he was not presenting his own views in the first place. On the other hand, the proponent of the dialectical view could maintain that Arcesilaus has not done any favors to the Stoics by giving them the gift of to eulogon; rather, this "gift" may still be seen as a refutation of the Stoic view that a robust knowledge is necessary for virtue.

An alternative to the dialectical view is to interpret to eulogon as Arcesilaus' own considered opinion regarding how one may live well in the absence of certainty.

This view then encounters the earlier difficulty of explaining how it is consistent for Arcesilaus to endorse suspending judgment on all matters while at the same time believing that one may attain wisdom and happiness by adhering to his practical criterion. Arcesilaus was succeeded by Lacydes c. Following Hegesinus, Carneades of Cyrene c.

Rather than merely responding to the dogmatic positions that were currently held as Arcesilaus did, Carneades developed a wider array of skeptical arguments against any possible dogmatic position, including some that were not being defended. He also elaborated a more detailed practical criterion, to pithanon. As was the case with Arcesilaus, he left nothing in writing, except for a few letters, which are no longer extant DL 4.

Carneades employed the same dialectical strategies as Arcesilaus Academica 45, Lucullus 16 , and similarly found his inspiration and model in Plato's Socrates.

The Socratic practice which Carneades employed, according to Cicero, was to try to conceal his own private opinion, relieve others from deception and in every discussion to look for the most probable solution Tusculan Disputations 5. There he presented arguments one day in favor of justice and the next he presented arguments against it. He did this not because he thought that justice should be disparaged but rather to show its defenders that they had no conclusive support for their view Lactantius, LS 68M.

Similarly, we find Carneades arguing against the Stoic conception of the gods, not in order to show that they do not exist, but rather to show that the Stoics had not firmly established anything regarding the divine de Natura Deorum 3. It seems then that Carneades was motivated primarily by the Socratic goal of relieving others of the false pretense to knowledge or wisdom and that he pursued this goal dialectically by arguing both for and against philosophical positions. But whereas Arcesilaus seemed to limit his targets to positions actually held by his interlocutors, Carneades generalized his skeptical attack, at least in ethics and epistemology.

The main task of Hellenistic ethics was to determine the summum bonum, the goal at which all of our actions must aim if we are to live good, happy lives. Carneades listed all of the defensible candidates, including some that had not actually been defended, in order to argue for and against each one and show that no one in fact knows what the summum bonum is, if indeed there is one de Finibus 5.

He may have even intended the stronger conclusion that it is not possible to acquire knowledge of the summum bonum, assuming his list was exhaustive of all the serious candidates. As with Arcesilaus, Carneades also focused much of his skeptical energy on the Stoics, particularly the views of the scholarch Chrysippus DL 4.

The Stoics had developed a detailed view of wisdom as life in accordance with nature. The Stoic sage never errs, he never incorrectly values the goods of fortune, he never suffers from pathological emotions, and he always remains tranquil. His happiness is completely inviolable since everything he does and everything he experiences is precisely as it should be; and crucially, he knows this to be true.

Even though the Stoics were extremely reluctant to admit that anyone had so far achieved this extraordinary virtue, they nonetheless insisted that it was a real possibility Luc. As a dialectician, Carneades carefully examined this conception of the sage.

Sometimes he argued, contrary to the Stoic view, that the sage would in fact assent to non-kataleptic impressions and thus that he was liable to error Luc.

But he also apparently argued against the view that the sage will hold mere opinions in the absence of katalepsis Luc. Presumably he didn't himself endorse either position since the issue that had to be decided first was whether katalepsis was even possible. In other words, if certainty is possible, then of course the sage should not settle for mere opinion. But if it is not possible, then perhaps he will be entitled to hold mere opinions, provided they are thoroughly examined and considered.

Just as Carneades generalized his skeptical attack on ethical theories, he also argued against all of his predecessors' epistemological theories M 7. The main task of Hellenistic epistemology was to determine the criterion standard, measure or test of truth. If the criterion of truth is taken to be a sort of sense-impression, as in the Stoic theory, then we will not be able to discover any such impression that could not in principle appear true to the most expertly trained and sensitive perceiver and yet still be false M 7.

But if we can discover no criterial sense-impression, then neither will the faculty of reason alone be able to provide us with a criterion, insofar as we accept the empiricist view common among Hellenistic philosophers that nothing can be judged by the mind that hasn't first entered by the senses.

We have no evidence to suggest that Carneades also argued against a rationalist, or a priori approach to the criterion. According to Sextus, after arguing against all the available epistemological theories, Carneades himself needed to advance a criterion for the conduct of life and the attainment of happiness M 7. Sextus does not tell us why it was necessary for Carneades to do so, but it was probably for the same reason that Arcesilaus had presented his practical criterion-namely, in response to the objection that if there were no epistemic grounds on which to prefer one impression over another then, despite all appearances, we cannot rationally govern our choices.

Thus, Carneades expounded his practical criterion, to pithanon. First he noted that every sense impression exists in two distinct relations: The first relation determines what we ordinarily think of as truth: The second relation determines plausibility: Yet, he apparently thought that these occasions are rare and so they do not provide a good reason for distrusting the convincing impressions.

For such impressions are reliable for the most part, and in actual practice, life is regulated by what holds for the most part M 7. Sextus also reports the refinements Carneades made to his criterion. If we are considering whether we should accept some impression as true, we presumably have already found it to be convincing, but we should also consider how well it coheres with other relevant impressions and then thoroughly examine it further as if we were cross-examining a witness.

The amount of examination that a convincing impression requires is a function of its importance to us. In insignificant matters we make use of the merely convincing impression, but in weighty matters, especially those having to do with happiness, we should only rely on the convincing impressions that have been thoroughly explored M 7.

Cicero translates Carneades' pithanon with the Latin terms probabile and veri simile, and he claims that this criterion is to be employed both in everyday life and in the Academic dialectical practice of arguing for and against philosophical views Luc. The novel feature of this criterion is that it does not guarantee that whatever is in accordance with it is true.

But if it is to play the dialectical role explicitly specified by Cicero and suggested by Sextus' report, then it must have some connection with truth. This is especially clear in the case of sense-impressions: And we may make a similar case, as Cicero does, for the dialectical examination of philosophical views.

A major difficulty in interpreting Carneades' pithanon in this way is that it requires some explanation for how we are able to identify what resembles the truth veri simile without being able to identify the truth itself Luc.

Even if the fallibilist interpretation of Carneades' criterion is correct, it remains a further issue whether he actually endorsed his criterion himself, or whether he merely developed it dialectically as a possible view.

Indeed, even Carneades' student Clitomachus was unable to determine what, if anything, Carneades endorsed Luc. A number of difficulties arise if he did endorse his criterion. First, Carneades argued that there is absolutely no criterion of truth M 7. Second, Clitomachus claims that Carneades endured a nearly Herculean labor "when he cast assent out of our minds, like a wild and savage beast, that is mere opinion and thoughtlessness" Luc. Thus it would seem to be inconsistent for him to accept a moderate, fallible form of assent if it leads to holding opinions.

We may more simply deal with Carneades' criterion by noting that sometimes he argued so zealously in support of some view that people reasonably, but incorrectly, assumed that he accepted it himself Luc.

Thus we may say that Carneades only advanced views dialectically but remained uncommitted to any of them. His criterion in this case would be the disappointing consequence of Stoic epistemological commitments-disappointing as in the case with the dialectical reading of Arcesilaus' eulogon because the Stoics believed these same commitments led to a much more robust criterion.

On the other hand, Cicero endorses a fallibilist interpretation of to pithanon which he seems to think was also endorsed by Carneades himself. This interpretation was developed by another of Carneades' students, Metrodorus, and by Cicero's teacher, Philo. We also have evidence that Carneades made an important distinction between assent and approval that he may have appealed to in this context Luc. He limits assent to the mental event of taking a proposition to be true and adopts the term "approval" for the more modest mental event of taking a proposition to be convincing but without making any commitment to its truth.

If this distinction is viable it would allow Carneades to approve of his epistemological criterion without committing himself at any deeper theoretical level. In other words Carneades could appeal to his criterion for his very adoption of that criterion: Cicero claims that Carneades made just this sort of move in the case of his rejection of the possibility of Stoic katalepsis: According to Sextus Empiricus, most people divide the Academy into three periods: Philo was head of the Academy from about to 79 B.

His interpretation of Academic skepticism as a mitigated form that permits tentative approval of the view that survives the most dialectical scrutiny is recorded and examined in Cicero's Academica, and in the earlier version of this dialogue, the Lucullus.

The Lucullus is just one of the two books that constituted the earlier version. The second book, now lost was called Catulus, after one of the main speakers.

Cicero later revised these books, dividing them into four; but only part of the first of those four, what is usually referred to as the Academica posteriora, has survived. Nevertheless, we have enough of these books to get a pretty good sense of the whole work see Griffin [], Mansfeld []. Philo apparently claimed that some sense-impressions very well may be true but that we nonetheless have no reliable way to determine which ones these are Luc.

Similarly, Sextus attributes to Philo the view that "as far the Stoic standard i. He may have made these remarks in order to underwrite the Academic practice of accepting certain views as resembling the truth; for there must be some truth in the first place-even if we don't have access to it-in order for something to resemble it. Under the pressure of Stoic objections to his fallibilist epistemology Philo apparently made some controversial innovations in Academic philosophy. Cicero refers to these innovations but doesn't discuss them in any detail Luc.

Philo's innovation may have been to commit himself to the metaphysical claim that some impressions are indeed true by providing arguments to that effect. So rather than rely on the likelihood that some impressions are true he may have sought to establish this more firmly.

He then may have lowered the standard for knowledge by giving up the internalist requirement that one be able to identify which impressions are true and adopted instead the externalist position that just having true impressions, as long as they have the right causal history, is enough for one to have knowledge see Hankinson [] for this interpretation, see also Tarrant [] and Brittain [].

After Philo, Antiochus c. He claimed that the Stoics and Peripatetics had more accurately understood Plato and thus he sought to revive these views, including primarily Stoic epistemology and ethics, in his Academy Cicero examines Antiochus' views in de Finibus 5. Glucker [] is a groundbreaking study of Antiochus. Cicero was a lifelong student and practitioner of Academic philosophy and his philosophical dialogues are among the richest sources of information about the skeptical Academy.

Although he claims to be a mere reporter of other philosophers' views Att. In some cases he coined the words he needed thereby teaching philosophy to speak Latin. He is generally not considered to be an original thinker but it is difficult to determine the extent to which this is true since practically none of the books he relied on have survived and so we do not know how much, or whether, he modified the views he presented.

Nevertheless, despite questions of originality, his dialogues express a humane and intelligent view of life. Plutarch, in his biography, claims that Cicero often asked his friends to call him a philosopher because he had chosen philosophy as his work, but merely used oratory to achieve his political ends Life of Cicero Pyrrho of Elis c.

What little we know of him comes, for the most part, from fragments of his pupil Timon's poems and from Diogenes Laertius' biography 9. There seem to have been no more disciples of Pyrrho after Timon, but much later in the 1st Century B. Later still in the 2nd Century C.

As with Aenesidemus, Sextus claimed Pyrrho as the founder, or at least inspiration, for the skepticism he reports. The content of these skeptical views, the nature of Pyrrho's influence, and the relations between succeeding stages of Pyrrhonism are controversial topics.

The anecdotal evidence for Pyrrho tends to be sensational. Diogenes reports, for example, that Pyrrho mistrusted his senses to such an extent that he would have fallen off cliffs or been run over by carts and savaged by dogs had his friends not followed close by 9. He was allegedly indifferent to certain norms of social behavior, taking animals to market, washing a pig and even cleaning the house himself 9. For the most part we find his indifference presented as a positive characteristic.

For example, while on a ship in the midst of a terrible storm he was able to maintain a state of tranquility 9. Similarly, Timon presents Pyrrho as having reached a godlike state of calm, having escaped servitude to mere opinion 9. He was also held in such high regard by his native city that he was appointed as high priest and for his sake they made all philosophers exempt from taxation 9.

We also find a tantalizing report of a journey to India where Pyrrho mingled with, and presumably learned from, certain naked sophists and magi 9. Generally, the anecdotal evidence in Diogenes, and elsewhere, is unreliable, or at least highly suspect. Such reports are more likely colorful inventions of later authors attributed to Pyrrho to illustrate, or caricature, some part of his philosophical view. Nevertheless, he is consistently portrayed as being remarkably calm due to his lack of opinion, so we may cautiously accept such accounts.

The most important testimony to the nature of Pyrrho's skepticism comes from Aristocles, a Peripatetic philosopher of the 2nd Century C. It is supremely necessary to investigate our own capacity for knowledge.

For if we are so constituted that we know nothing, there is no need to continue enquiry into other things. Among the ancients too there have been people who made this pronouncement, and Aristotle has argued against them. Pyrrho of Elis was also a powerful spokesman of such a position. He himself has left nothing in writing, but his pupil Timon says that whoever wants to be happy must consider these three questions: Secondly, what attitude should we adopt towards them?

Thirdly, what will be the outcome for those who have this attitude? According to Timon, Pyrrho declared that [1] things are equally indifferent, unmeasurable and inarbitrable. For this reason [2] neither our sensations nor our opinions tell us truths or falsehoods. Therefore, for this reason we should not put our trust in them one bit, but we should be unopinionated, uncommitted and unwavering, saying concerning each individual thing that it no more is than is not, or it both is and is not, or it neither is nor is not.

Aristocles apud Eusebius, Praeparatio evangelica Let us consider Pyrrho's questions and answers in order. First, what are things like by nature? This sounds like a straightforward metaphysical question about the way the world is, independent of our perceptions. If so, we should expect Pyrrho's answer, [1] that things are equally indifferent, unmeasurable and inarbitrable, to be a metaphysical statement.

But this will lead to difficulties, for how can Pyrrho arrive at the apparently definite proclamation that things are indefinite? That is, doesn't his metaphysical statement refute itself by implicitly telling us that things are decidedly indeterminate?

If we take this view we may defend Pyrrho by allowing his claim to be exempt from its own scope-so we can determine only this much: Alternatively, we may allow Pyrrho to embrace the apparent inconsistency and assert that his claim is itself neither true nor false, but is inarbitrable.

The former option seems preferable insofar as the latter leaves Pyrrho with no definite assertion whatsoever and it thus becomes unclear how he could draw the inferences he does from [1] to [2]. On the other hand, we may seek to avoid these difficulties by interpreting Pyrrho's first answer as epistemological. After all, the predicates he uses suggest an epistemological claim is being made. And further, Aristocles introduces this passage by noting that we must investigate our capacity for knowledge and he claims that Pyrrho was a spokesman for the view that we know nothing.

Bett [] argues against the epistemological reading on the grounds that it doesn't make good sense of the passage as it stands. For if we assume the epistemological reading of [1], that we are unable to determine the natures of things, then it would be pointless to infer from that that [2] our senses lie.

It would make much more sense to reverse the inference: Some have proposed emending the text from "for this reason dia touto " to "on account of the fact that dia to " to capture this reversal of the inference. But if we read the text as it stands, we may still explain Aristocles' epistemological focus by pointing out that if [1] things are indeterminate, then the epistemological skepticism will be a consequence: Second, in what way ought we to be disposed towards things?

Since things are indeterminate assuming the metaphysical reading then no assertion will be true, but neither will any assertion be false. So we should not have any opinion about the truth or falsity of any statement with the exception perhaps of these meta-level skeptical assertions. Instead, we should only say and think that something no more is than is not, or both is and is not, or neither is nor is not, because in fact that's the way things are. So for example, having accepted [1] and assuming the predicative reading of "is" in [2] , I will no longer believe that this book is red, but neither will I believe that it is not red.

The book is no more red than not-red, or similarly, it is as much red as not-red. Third, what will be the result for those who are so disposed? The first result is speechlessness literally, not saying anything -but this is odd given that we are encouraged to adopt a form of speech in [2].

Perhaps speechlessness follows after initially saying only that things are no more this than that, etc. Presumably, the recognition that things are no more to be sought after than not sought after is instrumental in producing tranquility, for if nothing is intrinsically good or bad, we have no reason to ever be distressed, or to be exuberantly joyful.

But then it seems we would not be able to even choose one thing over another. Pyrrho's tranquility thus begins to look like a kind of paralysis and this is probably what prompted some of the sensational anecdotes. Diogenes notes, however, that according to Aenesidemus, Pyrrho exercised foresight in his day-to-day activities, and that he lived to be ninety 9.

So it seems his tranquility did not paralyze him after all. This may be either because Pyrrho or Timon was disingenuous about what he was up to intellectually, or more charitably because he followed appearances 9.

See "Sextus on the skeptical life" below for further discussion. We know practically nothing about Aenesidemus except that he lived sometime in the 1st Century B. This has led most scholars to suppose that Aenesidemus was a member of the Academy, probably during the period of Philo's leadership, and that his revival of Pyrrhonian skepticism was probably a reaction to Philo's tendency towards fallibilism. Although this is plausible, it makes the fact that Cicero never mentions him quite puzzling.

Aenesidemus' Pyrrhonian Discourses Pyrrhoneia , like the rest of his works, have not survived, but they are summarized by a ninth century Byzantine patriarch, Photius, who is remarkable in his own right. It is clear from his summary that he thinks very little of Aenesidemus' work. This is due to his view that Aenesidemus' skepticism makes no contribution to Christian dogma and drives from our minds the instinctive tenets of faith Bib.

Nevertheless, a comparison of his summaries with the original texts that have survived reveal that Photius is a generally reliable source Wilson []. So despite his assessment of Aenesidemus' skepticism, the consensus is that he provides an accurate summary of the Pyrrhoneia. The proper interpretation of that summary, however, is disputed.

Aenesidemus was a member of Plato's Academy, apparently during the period of Philo's leadership. Growing dissatisfied with what he considered the dogmatism of the Academy, he sought to revitalize skepticism by moving back to a purer form inspired by Pyrrho. His specific complaint against his contemporary Academics was that they confidently affirm some things, even Stoic beliefs, and unambiguously deny other things. In other words, the Academics, in Aenesidemus' view, were insufficiently impressed by our epistemic limitations.

His alternative was to "determine nothing," not even the claim that he determines nothing. Instead, the Pyrrhonist says that things are no more one way than another. This form of speech is ambiguous in a positive sense, from Aenesidemus' perspective since it neither denies nor asserts anything unconditionally. In other words, the Pyrrhonist will only assert that some property belongs to some object relative to some observer or relative to some set of circumstances.

Thus, he will conditionally affirm some things but he will absolutely deny that any property belongs to anything in every possible circumstance. This seems to be what Aenesidemus meant by "determining nothing," for his relativized assertions say nothing definite about the nature of the object in question.

Such statements take the form: This is a simple denial that X is always and invariably F, though of course X may be F in some cases. But such statements are importantly different from those of the form: X is by nature not-F. For these sorts of statements affirm that X is invariably not-F and that there can be no cases of X that exhibit the property F.

The only acceptable form of expression for Aenesidemus then seems to be statements that may sometimes be false See Woddruff [] for this interpretation, also Bett The kinds of conclusion that Aenesidemus countenanced as a Pyrrhonist can more clearly be seen by considering the kinds of arguments he advanced to reach them.

He apparently produced a set of skeptical argument forms, or modes, for the purpose of refuting dogmatic claims regarding the natures of things. The first mode is designed to show that it is not reasonable to suppose that the way the world appears to us humans is more accurate than the incompatible ways it appears to other animals. This will force us to suspend judgment on the question of how these things are by nature, in and of themselves, insofar as we have no rational grounds on which to prefer our appearances and insofar as we are not willing to accept that something can have incompatible properties by nature.

If, for example, manure appears repulsive to humans and delightful to dogs, we are unable to say that it really is, in its nature, either repulsive or delightful, or both repulsive and delightful. It is no more delightful than not-delightful, and no more repulsive than not-repulsive, again, in its nature.

Just as the world appears in incompatible ways to members of different species, so too does it appear incompatibly to members of the same species. Thus, the second mode targets the endless disagreements among dogmatists.

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